felix ooi

Kids Are Aspirational...

2010-08-04T23:49:00.000+08:00

Astro Pheonix 凤凰台：小莉看世界：安华

2010-04-01T13:04:00.006+08:00

New YDP Swearing In - MPPP

2010-03-01T19:47:00.000+08:00

2010年： “文明年vs野蛮年”

2010-01-14T23:11:00.003+08:00

马来西亚的2009年在夹杂悲愤与不安的心情中落幕。悲愤，在于 “民主被强暴”：由民联执政的霹雳州，在新年之初就遭到国阵横蛮施暴。在暴力的攻击下，民意如同手无缚鸡之力的娇弱女子，任由权欲熏心的狂徒霸王硬上弓。

不久，悲愤被推上沸点，当“民主被谋杀”了。一个精力充沛、朝气勃勃和深具政治抱负的年轻生命，在一个声称迈向独立、不偏不倚的反贪机构办公楼内，化为一缕冤魂。因为又有一群狂徒不甘丧失政权，企图复制 “霹雳政变”模式，结果强暴民意失败，却闹出了人命。

不安，因为纳吉拜相后，国内政治气氛急转直下，异议份子不断受到威胁和干扰。譬如：异见博客拉惹柏特拉在阿都拉时代可以较为自由地挞伐政客，包括阿都拉本身，但纳吉上台后他就因生命受到威胁，而被迫流亡海外。

纳吉的确是2009年的风云人物，因为他一掌握大权就立即风云骤变，为社会稳定带来狂风暴雨，使国家前景乌云密布。虽然他积极宣传由国际公关公司为其设计的“一个马来西亚”概念，但同时也任由巫统的鹰派人马无所不用其极地散播种族仇恨，提早 “释放”阿末依斯迈──提出 “华人寄居论”的巫统鹰犬，充份显示“一个马来西亚”的脆弱。

因此，2009年是 “纳吉年”，也是 “纳粹年”，因为纳粹党那种极端狂妄、鼓吹种族仇恨的暴徒作风，在巫统鹰犬推波助澜之下，在这一年、在这片爱好和平的土地留下斑斑劣迹：举行血淋淋的“牛头示威”；《马来西亚前锋报》屡屡煽动种族情绪和宗教不和谐，如在封面刊登 “起来吧，马来人”的标题，充满向非马来人宣战的意味；在槟城州议会前公开焚烧首长的肖像；在林吉祥等行动党华人领袖的肖象上践踏和作状小便……。

2009年是一个让人不堪回首、令人感到羞耻的一年，因为国家独立52年了，非但没有迈向文明，反而往野蛮倒退，使马来西亚成为坐拥无数先进设施、高楼大厦的野蛮丛林。当拥有无上权力、呼风唤雨的是一群西装笔挺，却满脑野蛮思想的人物，国家会朝往甚么方向走呢？我不用说你也知道。

因此，对于2010年，我只期望国家与社会可以朝进化的方向挺进，意即假如我们今天是原始人，那就朝文明人的方向靠拢，不是往人猿的方向逼进。在2009年，我们目睹整个政治社会显地被野蛮所覆盖和侵蚀。

我无法想象一个国家的政经文教如何在日趋野蛮，而非日趋文明先进的社会发展起来。种族主义其实便是潜藏着野蛮思维，从希特勒屠杀犹太人到苏哈多血腥排华，国家与个人最终都以悲剧收场。

无论如何，文明终将制伏野蛮。民联应该定位为文明、进步的象征，不该再犯下踩踏他人肖像的错误，朝往文明化、民主化迈进，把野蛮横暴留给终在 “进化论”适者生存规律下被淘汰的国阵── 一个无法适应民主化、文明化大趋势的政权。

黄吉兴

华小栽培文抄猫？

2009-11-30T15:51:00.003+08:00

华小栽培文抄猫？
黄吉兴/东方日报/30 Nov 2009

历史学家邱家金日前发表 “华小栽培文抄猫”的言论，立即遭到各华团和朝野人士的口诛笔伐，俨如 “华社公敌”，实乃意料中事。

无论如何，邱家金的言论确实失之偏颇、见树不见林，只道出了部份事实，因为培养 “文抄猫”绝非华小专利。我国整个教育体系。从小学到大学，基本上属于 “文抄猫制造系统”，抹杀莘莘学子的创造能力和批判精神，旨在栽培一群听话温驯、服从执政者意志的顺民。（大部份听话的公务员都不是自华小）

我国当权者最喜欢顺民，只要与政府思路有所冲突者，必遭压迫和排挤。原本具有反逆、自主和创造精神的人才，要嘛经不起压力而被驯化成为庸才、要嘛不断与体制对抗而被视为蠢材，要嘛远走高飞在异国进化为天才。

因此，当邱家金指华小只培养 “文抄猫”时，眼界应延伸至整个教育体制，并虑及我国社会政治氛围现况，才不会犹如瞎子摸象，以偏盖全。他也应该问一问： “在纯粹接受马来西亚官方教育的国民当中，到底出了多少位享誉国际的发明家、科学家、哲学家、艺术家、建筑师…。”

唯有在更宏观的脉络下检视问题，我们才能够看到造成 “批判力不足、创造力匮乏”的官方教育问题之症结──填鸭式的威权教育制度。这非华小所致，更非仅仅华小深受其害。

不过，邱家金的偏激思想也有可探讨之处，我们不必全盘否定。诚然，华小明显成绩至上，功利色彩浓厚，以致学生无法享受学习的乐趣，思考能力也受到打击。华校的师长最为看重学生成绩，若考得不好，有些学生还会受到惩罚。在重大的考试压力之下，学生不再读书，而是背书，只因怕输，怕让父母输掉面子，受到耻辱。

因此，学生读书是为了考取佳分，获取一纸文凭，不是为了透过知识的力量，带来创造性的变革。强记死背自然成了考取佳绩的不二法门，而那些有创意、敢怀疑的学生，往往都是成绩欠佳的 “问题学生”。

当然，学生是无辜的，他们是功利主义的产物，而功利主义是创意的杀手。最近，我翻阅了一本五年级的华文作业，其中一个试题让我感到惊讶，发现原来我们的教育方式僵化至如此地步。该试题如下：

___________，小明骨瘦如柴。A. 一场大病后 B.一场水灾后 C.一场旱灾后 D.一场火灾后。

假如出题老师的思维如此缺乏逻辑和联想力，学生还会有创造力和批判力吗？可以想象回答B至D的学生会受到怎样的打击，尽管他们有能力提出理由力证自己的想法。

我们的教育制度真的是在生着一场大病，造成学生们创造力骨瘦如柴，最后怕的不是他们太会抄袭，而是连抄袭都抄得不好

地方政府被政治干预

2009-11-24T13:14:00.004+08:00

当政治力大于专业力

马来西亚是一个高度政治化国家，政治势力对各个机构的介入和干预，以达到无以复加的地步，并引爆了无数的丑闻，造成无以估计的损失。

例如，最近再被挑起的 “林甘短片丑闻”，便是赤裸裸呈现在公众面前之政治如何干预司法的幕后真相。警方、反贪委会和选委会被政治势力利用来打压异议份子或在野党，已是众所周知的事。

霹雳州议会发生原任议长被施予暴力，遭指派的执法人员强行抬出议会厅，更政治势力长驱直入，蛮横地干预立法机构独立性的 “经典”，说明继行政和司法之后，我国在朝的政治魔掌肆无忌惮地玷污立法机关。

在过去50多年，政治干预已形成根深蒂固的恶质社会文化，开出的恶果便是专业力消殆──法官、警察和其它官僚无法凭着自己的专业知识和判断力履行职务，因为他们的行动屡屡受到 “老大哥”的支配和肘制。若有违后者政治利益，那么他们的事业将亮起红灯。

在处处受到无形威胁的情况下工作，专业力哪能被彰显。因此，毫无专业表现可言的国家官僚服务素质，一直备受诟病和批评。若究其因，可归咎于政治势力过度干预，以致官僚不再以服务人民的公仆自豪，而以讨好政治人物的奴仆自傲。

久而久之，官僚们的工作宗旨不再以人民的利益为依归，反而处处考虑政治权贵们的利益，以免行差踏错，砸了自己的饭碗。于是， “能免则免、少做少错”的心态由此产生，这也是为何懒散怠懈是民众对公务员的普遍观感。

在民联接管槟州政府后，发现官僚服务素质低劣的问题颇为严重，而数十年的积疾非一日可愈。就笔者担任市议员的观察，许多公务员工作态度极为被动，而且无法独立行事。

其实，官僚必须有一定的专业能力，以辅助市议员。然而，部份官僚却有时连一份完整计划书都无法作成，提供的数据常有遗缺，以致市议员不能按时作出决策，最终还得劳烦市议员自行动手进行研究，而贻误时机。

一旦官僚专业力不彰，政治干预会得寸进尺，而专业力又遭到进一步扼杀。如此恶性循环，国家发展必然每况愈下。

今天，政治干预专业的现象没有因政权更替而有所改变，主要因为这种恶质文化尚存。民众也受到此恶质文化潜移默化的影响，大小事都想借助政治势力摆平和解决，小至要求获取罚票折扣，大至要求违规工程获取准证，因为大家都相信政治力大于专业力。

假如民联政府无意对这种恶质文化进行大刀阔斧的改革，继续任由政治力侵略专业力，那么终有一日必尝恶果，前朝已是最佳反面教材。不记取历史教训，必被历史教训！

品牌化乔治市

2009-10-28T23:51:00.000+08:00

槟城15日讯）信不信由你！垃圾桶未来可能成为乔治市各旅游景区的地标之一！

为了让成功入遗后的乔治市更具品牌化，乔治市内各旅游景区未来有望设置具高度标识的地标，让这座古城拥有闪亮亮的新招牌。

所以，垃圾桶可能不再是供人丢垃圾，而是成为旅游标志，方便广大游客认着特征游走。

槟岛市议会发展策划小组交替主席黄吉兴接受《南洋商报》访问时说，随着乔治市成功入遗后，政府有意将古迹氛围浓厚的乔治市，融入现代化元素，从而品牌化乔治市。

他披露，从艺术和创意两方面下手，将能让人对乔治市的视觉焕然一新，所以目前将搜寻世界各地专才的作品。

筹备美化城市国际竞赛

他指出，由乔治市世遗办事处、大马绘测师公会槟州分会、非政府组织等成立了一支委员会，正筹备一项国际性竞赛，以搜寻来自各国专才的作品；市议会在这方面扮演推动角色。

该委员会成员之一的他透露，该委员会曾数度开会商讨竞赛细节，所以较详细的内容目前不便公开。

他预料来临的9月将正式公布这项竞赛，以公开让绘测师、设计师、画家及艺术家等，让他们参与这项甚具意义的竞赛。

“你大可以说这是一项美化城市的竞赛，但比较不同的是，人们的竞赛作品对这座城市带来巨大的贡献。”

不过，他说，参赛者可发挥无限的创意，利用各种材料、概念或形式去进行，即使垃圾桶也可派上用场。

“其他如牌楼、园艺、门槛、绘图、油漆等都可以成为各旅游景区的地标，不一定要用死气沉沉的标志牌来介绍乔治市。”

Rev. Martin Niemoller

2009-09-03T00:48:00.000+08:00

First they came for the Communists,
and I didn’t speak up,
because I wasn’t a Communist.
Then they came for the Jews,
and I didn’t speak up,
because I wasn’t a Jew.
Then they came for the Catholics,
and I didn’t speak up,
because I was a Protestant.
Then they came for me,
and by that time there was no one
left to speak up for me.

by Rev. Martin Niemoller, 1945

不只15个马来西亚

2009-09-01T15:38:00.003+08:00

不只15个马来西亚
黄吉兴/东方日报/1 September 2009

倘若要你告诉一个有关马来西亚的历史，你会怎么叙述呢？倘若你对此没甚么想法，你又是否能够娓娓道出一个有关你自己的故事。一个居住在马来西亚的人民，或作为马来西亚公民的故事，以构成一个马来西亚的故事。

“15个马来西亚”短片计划是一个极具创意和胆识的作法，邀请了我国15位出色的电影人，从他们的视角讲述有关马来西亚的故事。一些滑稽有趣、一些令人疑惑、一些温馨动人、一些令人不安，一些充满挑衅，一些则非常写实，彷佛就是说出了你的故事、你的生活处境。

我实在想不出比短片更好的媒体，可以充份表达和描叙当代马来西亚社会与文化的复杂性和矛盾性。短片被广泛用于电影工业和商业世界，透过最全面和高效低本的方式，传达简单的构思和讯息。

在庆祝我国独立52周年之际，15个短片已在网上广播。今年，我们终于有机会看到别开生面、另类不凡的国庆节节目，否则人民又要被国营电视台喂予十年如一日、超级落伍枯燥的所谓国庆节目。过去数十年来，作为执政党喉舌的国营电视台重复又重复地唠唠叨叨告诉着我们同样的老掉牙故事、播放在恶梦里也有会听到旧曲调，或制造一个又一个毫无新意、肤浅不已的国庆标志。

在308海啸发生后的第二年国庆节，人民的创意逐渐被释放，胆量慢慢被壮大，加上互联网蓬勃发展，我们终于可以脱下虚伪的面具，道出心中真正的看法和心声，以影像呈现出来。

在15个短片当中，我个人最喜爱已故导演雅丝敏的短片“巧克力”。马来西亚族群之间那种心照不宣，却强烈难抑的 “种族偏见”，在这个短片中完全流露出来。一位杂货店华人男孩与马来女学生的邂逅，属于生物本能的两性相吸，彼此产生的好感如此自然、纯真。

然而，那位自小就被提醒 “我们这种人” 和 “他们这种人”的男孩，终究难逃早在心中筑起的无形而高耸的种族和信仰围篱。他在母亲粗暴、尖厉的叫喊声，莫名惶恐地将那份萌起的好感狠狠割裂。戏末完好摆放在柜台上的小小一片巧克力，隐喻的正是彼此无法尝到一份情谊甜美之味的遗憾。

在短短的３分钟，雅丝敏深刻、细致地叙述了马来西亚人困境和情感，同时也对拆除种族围篱寄于厚望，为彼此尝试这块巧克力的可能性，留下了伏笔，让我们自行创作华人男孩和马来女孩感情故事的续篇。

15个马来西亚、15个电影人和15个有关我们所爱的马来西亚的故事。你的故事又是如何？如果叫你给外国朋友、邻居和孩子说一则故事，你会怎么说呢？我想我们的故事不只15个。而拍摄短片是我毕生想要做的百件事情中的其中一项，希望有一天会有机会透过影像告诉你有关我和马来西亚的故事。

ONE BLACK MALAYSIA

2009-08-24T15:16:00.001+08:00

Permatang Pasir By Election: 国阵与民联施政表现的评估测验

2009-08-22T14:41:00.002+08:00

国阵与民联施政表现的评估测验
黄吉兴/东方日报/18 August 2009

柏玛当巴锡州选区补选是人民对国阵与民联施政表现的一场评估测验。

在纳吉领导下的国阵马不停蹄地通过旗下报章玩弄种族课题，企图制造种族仇视，以及利用反贪委员会不断针对雪兰莪民联议员展开调查，以企图颠覆该州政权，还有马华总会长翁诗杰和民主进步党财政张庆信为巴生自贸区丑闻，互相抖出彼此更多丑闻之际，H1N1流感病例和死亡人数节节上升。

政府的施政能力或治国能力往往反映在它在处理危机时的表现如何，而我国H1N1流感疫情日趋严重，完全暴露出国阵只擅长对付在野党人士、异议份子和参与和平示威的公众，却无能应付病毒，导致越来越多生命受到流感威胁。

或许该这么说，国阵已经权欲熏心，满脑子想着如何夺权、稳权，而非治国，所以才会向当年希特勒领导的德国纳粹党看齐，不断地煽动种族仇恨情绪，把种族主义发挥得淋漓尽致。然而，病毒是不会分种族肤色的，结果 “一个马来西亚”当前被笼罩在流感病毒的阴影之下。

一旦巫统在这场补选胜出，肯定会坚信种族主义是巩固政权的必然手段，继续把焦点放在种族分化上，传播种族主义病毒，而非集中资源对抗流感病毒。种族主义的勃兴，必使国家竞争力衰退、人民权益遭到损害，导致外资却步、人才流失，因为这已经是全球化的进步时代，巫统思维却退化到落伍的殖民时代，外资和人才怎会愿意在这样的国度耗费金钱和时间呢？

此外，人民不仅因为流感侵袭而失去安全感，也对国阵将变本加厉地使用国家机关，如警队和反贪会，向人民施展暴力，而感到心寒和惶恐。大家都害怕步阿妲杜雅、古甘和赵明福等后尘，成为国阵执政下的国家暴力受害者。霹雳州民联议长被警察强行抬出议会厅、801示威群众被警方无情攻击的一幕幕情景，依然历历在目。

纳吉担任首相百多天，人民内心的恐惧与日俱增，因为我们看到的不是一位在治国方面有魄力和有能力的领导人，而是在消灭和摧毁在野党和异议份子方面，无所不用其极的政治头目。

相反地，我们看到槟州民联政府在处理豆蔻村拆迁课题上，毫无国阵的霸气和戾气，反而是步步退让，并致力与发展商协商，所以才能创下最优渥拆迁赔偿条件的纪录。这种宽容的处事方式在国阵执政时代，简直是一种奇迹。

从这起事件可看到民联的确正努力朝良好施政迈步，让人民开始感觉自己像有老板，开创有别于过去的政治氛围。同时，槟州政府也致力肃贪，如设立廉洁奖号提供1万令吉奖金给揭发内部贪污事件的公务员，以铲除国阵遗留下来的贪腐文化。

谁该在这场评估测验中胜出，相信精明的考官们，心中早有答案。

Chocolate

2009-08-19T13:15:00.003+08:00

One of the 15 Malaysia short film.

Yasmin Ahmad's works manifested the complexities and the contradictions of Malaysians living cultures. Boundaries were established once upon a time, differences were amplified, unseen but profoundly felt.

Along the way, the boundaries were blurred, lines were crossed , momentarary freedom of choices...yet, we were reminded again of the boundaries, the fear of the unfamiliarity emerged. The departers return to his/her courses which were set once upon the time. They walk on the straight paths, until the next encounter....The sweetness of the CHOCOLATE has yet to be tasted.

豆蔻村─测验民联政府民主实践能力

2009-08-11T13:08:00.003+08:00

豆蔻村风波─测验民联政府民主实践能力
黄吉兴/东方日报/09 August 2009

城市化的发展巨轮总是不断地滚向郊区，把幽静安宁、具浓厚人情味和美好集体记忆的聚落辗得支离破碎，这种情况几乎每天都在民主不彰的发展中国家发生。

2000年，政府废除屋租统治法令后，乔治市区的二条路有一排战前屋的租户首当其冲，因为屋主展开了拆迁行动，导致在那里居住数十年、几代人的租户失去栖生之地。由社会工作者黄文强催生的自救会，也在那时成立。前者为迫使当时的首长许子根正视上述法令废除后引发的种种社会问题，一度拦截对方官车，而遭到逮捕，让人侧目。

2004年，槟城最悠久和最具风味的菜市──社尾万山关闭，以辟作其它发展用途。在此之前，社尾万山的商家租户们，以及一些民间组织群起反对政府强行关闭这座位于林萃龙医生路、拥有百年历史的古老菜市，却最终抵不过前朝政府强大的发展意愿，虽然社尾万山坐落在文化遗产区内。不过，从它关闭到前朝政府垮台已有4年，社尾万山原址依然荒置。

2006年，坐落在文化遗产核心地区、极具特色的华人聚落──姓郭桥和平安桥，同样面对遭拆毁的命运。其中，以共有32户200多人的姓郭桥，最具文化历史价值。居住在姓郭桥族群大都是来自中国白崎郭姓的回族后裔，有些还奉行其族裔的风俗。而且，姓郭桥小区内还有一座难得一见的城市红树林，构成非常特殊的环境生态。然而，前朝政府一纸令下，这个在许子根口中 “已经没有回教徒”，并否定它具有可传承 “生活文化遗产”（living heritage）价值的姓氏桥，终须让位给高耸入云的高楼大厦。

2004年，前朝政府行政议会在居民毫不知情的情况下，自行批准槟州政府公务员合作社以转换土地方式，购买已有百多年历史的豆蔻村土地。豆蔻村是替前英国殖民者种植豆蔻等农作物的工人们和其后裔所居住的村落，以印度人为主。在2009年，拆迁的噩运降临豆蔻村，这场旷日持久的风波尚未结束，居民和一些民间团体以豆蔻村具有深远的文化遗产价值，极力捍卫这座印度人聚落。

在未到10年时间内，槟城发生大大小小涉及悠久聚落和文化遗产的拆迁风波，而没有一个事件的胜利者是居民。在前朝政府眼里，人民基本上只是一群无知的庶民，任何发展计划只须由官爷们拍案定夺，根本不必与无权无势的庶民们商议。正是因为官爷们居高临下、目空一切，视人民的智慧与权益为无物，才使本来不必演变为风波的事件闹翻天，终日占据新闻版位。

列出上述拆迁风波不是要与前朝政府纠缠不清，而是希望当前执政者引以为鉴，切勿重蹈前朝领袖倨傲鲜腆、漠视民意的覆辙。不要再怀念过去发发文告、拉大队抗议和挑拨民怨的 '轻松'日子了，反之应关注如何建立一套倾听民意、以民为本的民主机制，处理一切发展难题，应对汹汹民怨。豆蔻村风波只是测验民联政府民主实践能力的一场考试。

我们应该把民意遭压迫、民利遭剥削的痛苦记忆，留给可怜无助的上一代；把发发文告、拉大队抗议和挑拨民怨的 '轻松'日子，留给蹒跚学步的在野党。

Imagine Leadership | By XPLANE & Nitin Nohria

2009-07-15T11:17:00.001+08:00

槟城能否创造另一个世界文化遗产？

2009-07-12T18:34:00.002+08:00

槟城能否创造另一个世界文化遗产？
黄吉兴/东方日报/14 July 2009

近年来，当代建筑介入（contemporary architectural interventions）世界文化遗产的课题，已日益成为政策制定者、发展商、建筑师、业主、投资者和相关市民所关注的一项课题。

自从乔治市于去年７月被联合国教科文组织列入世界文化遗产名录后，这个拥有200多年历史的海港城市面对在如何保存现有历史景观，同时又允许现代化建筑介入并存，以让社会经济持续迈进，而非停滞不前的严峻挑战。

乔治市入遗对于振兴衰靡的传统人文和重建颓敝的历史建筑确然是件好事，但是假如缺乏一套历史古迹的审美标准进行评估，而全盘保留文化遗产区內的建筑物和人文活动，抑制注入当代的创新精神，那么只会加速这座城市的僵化与老化。

一旦传统和现代无法衔接，就会造成历史断层，不但无法使老一辈融入新时代，而被边缘化；亦不能唤起新生代对老城市的怀旧情感，而选择离开，必然陷入两头不到岸的窘境。因此，延续旧貌和开创新意是焕发乔治市魅力与活力的必须策略。

在2005年5月12日至14日期间，一项由世界文化遗产委员会主办的 “世界遗产和当代建筑——管理历史名城景观”国际会议于音乐之都──维也纳举行，主要商议规范和管理世界遗产城市内的高层建筑及当代建筑的指南。

这个会议的讨论结果归纳在一项备忘录内，其中要点包括：

（一）鼓励政策制定者、城市规划者、发展商、建筑师、古迹保护者、业主、投资者和相关市民合作保存城市文化遗产之际，亦应考虑在顾及文化和历史敏感性的情况下，促进社会现代化与发展，强化身份认同和社会凝聚力；

（二）进一步鼓励透过改善历史城市的生活、工作和休闲条件，并在没有破坏历史城市肌理和形态的原有价值之前提下，提高市民的生活素质；

（二）强调良好地把当代建筑纳入城市历史景观脉络的需要，并应对当代建筑介入所造成的文化、视觉和价值冲击，进行研究分析。

本文将对第三个要点作进一步阐述。无庸置疑地，任何古迹产业必须获得严谨的修葺、重修和复用，但是新建筑物的介入亦应受到允许，以反映其时代精神，并使我们的城市展现多元面貌。

本地市政局应鼓励具有创新意义的建筑物设立于文化遗产核心保留区和缓冲区，尽管当中有些建筑物未必能够融入古迹脉络里。但是，只要这关规划或建筑物被证明不会危害我们的文化遗产形象，相反地却能够彰显其价值、文化涵养和当代建筑美学意义，当局还是应当接受其存在。

唯有如此，我们才能为这座城市建立更加杰出和进步的＂未来文化遗产＂，与现有的文化遗产并存，毕竟每一个时代都有本身的精神面貌，我们有必要将它呈现出来，而非压制其诞生，因为这样做是违反进化规律的，导致当代人的灵魂无法自由伸展，创造力萎缩。

倘若当局不愿让现代发展进驻古迹保留区，那么应当鉴定崭新城市地段，因为乔治市的世界文化遗产地位已妨碍和限制现代化的城市发展规划。我们需要一个能够呼唤２１世纪城市创新精神，反映多样化身份认同、文化审美、社会经济形态等的崭新发展地段，最好能与古迹区毗连，以便新旧发展可以相融互补，传统产业和创新产业亦能互相支持，为乔治市发展掀开新页。

在过去５０年，世界许多主要城市都把焦聚于城市荒地、过剩工业地和城市边陲地区，以采纳弹性策略进行重建，创造全新的城市生态系统。有关设计主要是为了与时并进，因应新科技和相关行业崛起的社会需求，使现有的城市能够与未来发展接轨。

在一个人口流动性趋高、信息与通讯工艺一日千里、互联网发达的时代，历史城市建筑的文化功能也日益重要，必须发挥继往开来的作用，成为新旧时代交汇的枢纽，才能维系和开发旧城市的活力。

在乔治市里，我们不但只是扮演守护昨日遗产的角色，亦要成为明日遗产的创造者，否则新一代的创意和才华只会被昔日光辉所掩盖，而他们恰恰可能就是造就辉煌未来的潜在能量。

联合政府 “一个马来人政权” 之矛，攻 “一个马来西亚”之盾"

2009-06-29T00:26:00.005+08:00

联合政府 “一个马来人政权” 之矛，攻 “一个马来西亚”之盾"
黄吉兴/东方日报/30 June 2009

民联三党已正式否决联合政府的建议，不仅克服民联面对的分裂危机，而且也为马来西亚迈向一个民主化和去种族化的全新政治格局，清除了另一道障碍。

这也意味者回教党与独霸国阵的巫统共组以回教─马来人为轴心的联合政府之设想，只是一个为我国政局掀起一片涟漪的虚无假想，回教党最终与民联同在共抗国阵，因为那才是符合人力民意愿的正道。

联合政府建议引起议论纷纷，蝉联回教党党魁的哈迪阿旺和署理主席纳沙鲁汀为始作俑者，为这项内涵充满种族主义色彩的概念背书。他们敢于逆道而行，提出联合政府的建议，显然是因为回教党在上届大选获得非回教徒的空前鼎力支持，取得斐然佳绩，以致信心膨胀，意图走快捷与巫统合组政府，谋取更大的政治权力。

虽然人民公正党在308政治海啸后，一举崛起成为全国最大反对党，但真正从中受惠的是回教党。那是因为一直视回教党为洪水猛兽，尤其惧于其断肢的非回教徒，为了缔造更理想的马来西亚，将恐惧化为改革力量，给予回教党历史性的支持，回教党也因而才有政治筹码与巫统进行政治谈判和交易。

众所周知，回教党是巫统最大的竞争者，前者瓜分了后者一大半马来选票。此外，巫统也洞悉过去非回教徒宁可选它，也不会投票给回教党的政治倾向，早已起了大逆转、一去不复返，短期之内难以改变。回教党取得大胜的武吉干当补选，便是经典佳例。鉴此，巫统政治智囊设定的权谋策略是：只要成功收编回教党，不但可以吸引马来选票回流，非回教徒选票亦会停止流向回教党，对巩固巫统政治霸权、延续其执政寿命有利无弊。

不过，对回教党来说，这项策略却会让它 “赔了夫人又折兵”，带来严重破坏，所以相对睿智的该党精神领袖聂阿兹罕见地对支持联合政府的党同志大动肝火，以阻止巫统得逞、回教党沉沦。回教党若要保持现有的优势，就必须义无反顾地摒弃狭隘的种族思维，而注重贯彻有利全民的回教普世价值，如廉正、节约等，重塑其品牌形象─一个全国人民的政党，而不是马来人政党。如此，回教党才能继续赢得各族尊重和支持。

至于巫统方面，尽管民联已否决上述概念，但由于它逮住了分化民联乃至分裂各族的机会，依然借助官方喉舌宣扬奠立于 “马来人大团结”的联合政府概念，并且不断抹黑造成其阴谋失败的聂阿兹。

首相纳吉一方面通过媒体排山倒海的宣传攻势，不断地提倡 “一个马来西亚”概念，欲向人民，特别是非马来人展现其开明形象，一方面他却又不停地鼓吹极狭隘的“一个马来人政权”构思，意图贬低其它非马来人公民，为“一个分裂的马来西亚”铺路。

上述以 “一个马来人政权” 之矛，来攻 “一个马来西亚”之盾的自相矛盾作法，赤裸裸地凸显纳吉是一个口不对心、言行不一，没有诚信可言的国家领袖，也充份说明由如此素质的领袖领导，马来西亚前景绝对不乐观。看_，纳吉已患上了 “政治精神分裂症”，他当下最大的考验来自于如何塑造 “一个纳吉”，也就是让一个开明的纳吉打败一个狭隘的纳吉，避免自己长期处于对抗和分裂的状态。

显而易见地，种族性联合政府只不过是纳吉企图削弱非马来人政治势力，并挽回逐渐丧失的马来人支持之一石二鸟谋略。它只是有利于维护巫统政权和一小撮领袖既得利益，对改善马来西亚日落西山的经济竞争力、民主自由、平等教育、司法公正、贪污指数、贫富悬殊等实际课题，丝毫没有帮助，反而有害。

我们在308后成功突破自英国殖民时代迄今，早已根深蒂固的种族政治之缺口。公正党创党以来一直努力不懈地打造的 “一个不再以种族主义为核心的新政治格局”正在成形中，它也是我国大多数人民的共同愿景。因此，联合政府的失败，也是我国人民的胜利，而我们希望这项胜利将持续到下一届全国大选。

从甲型H1N1流感看瘟疫历史

2009-06-22T11:24:00.003+08:00

从甲型H1N1流感看瘟疫历史
黄吉兴/东方日报

人类的历史充满着与瘟疫搏斗的故事:：从在中世纪蔓延整个欧洲，摧毁三份之一人口的鼠疫；传播至 “新大陆”（美洲）的天花；20世纪初席卷全球的流感 “西班牙女士”；1997年从马来西亚扩散至邻国，夺走百多条人命的立百病毒；2002年于中国爆发，在全世界肆虐，导致近千人丧命的SARS，以及今年三月在墨西哥传出，造成近70个国家约2万人被感染的H1N1流感，瘟疫从不间断地威胁人们的生命。

从瘟疫的历史中，我们看到人性的丑陋和高尚的一面。例如：欧洲殖民者把天花带到美洲，致使当地数以万计对天花没有免疫能力的原住民，面对接踵而至的死亡，最终造成印加帝国衰亡。

美国经济史学家贡德·弗兰克（Andre Gunder Frank）在《白银资本》（ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age）一书中揭露，殖民者登陆美洲后的一百年内，造成当地人口锐减95％；中美洲玛雅文明区的印第安人口从约 2500万，降至150万；印加文明区的印第安人口从约900万减少到60万，而当今美国境内的印第安人口，也从500万减少到6万。

对为了满足贪婪欲望，而不择手段掠夺当地丰富资源的殖民者来说，传播天花是达致其目的之最佳武器。所以天花亦被称为 “文明杀手”。在美洲发生的这段瘟疫历史彻底暴露人性最丑恶的一面，有人因而认为殖民者进行的种族灭绝，远非希特勒展开的屠杀犹太人行动所能比拟。

不过，瘟疫也同样让人看到人性高尚和光辉的一面。譬如：在SARS这种新型疾病尚未被确认为 “严重呼吸道综合症”之前，世界卫生组织（WHO）意大利籍公共健康专家、传染病学家Carlo Urbani医生却冒着生命危险坚持站在前线投入救治工作，凭着个人的专业判断，及时向世界卫生组织发出警讯，断然采取防范措施，使越南人得以免除像中国、台湾、新加坡一连串的感染和死亡。然而，Urbani医生自己却不幸染上 SARS而殉职。他舍身救人的崇高精神，永远感动且激励着无数的心灵。

今天，甲型H1N1流感的出现，又再挑战人类的医药水平、考验人性的善恶。经过隐瞒SARS疫情带来巨大灾难的惨痛教训后，今日各国在防疫方面，都采取相对透明、迅捷的处理方式，以把病毒扩散范围和造成的伤害减至最低。

然而，再严谨的防疫机制始终抵不过人性的弱点，包括侥幸、自私和无知等，让病毒可以突破这个缺口，肆意侵袭人类。有些人可能为了私利而瞒报症状，结果导致与他接触的人都了潜伏的受害者，即使最亲的人也如此。于是，流感原本只是在外国感染，而是逐渐演变成本土感染。

此外，航空交通的发达加速了瘟疫的传播，在最短的时间将病疫扩散至最多的地方，使防疫工作变得艰巨。不过，资讯时代的降临却也加速资讯传播，使人们能够在最快时间获得有关疫情的资讯，因而可以及时防患于未然。这就是这个时代最为吊诡和矛盾的一面：病疫可以迅速传播，防疫也可以快速进行，从而形成左手与右手交锋的荒谬局面。

无论如何，结束这种诡局的还是回归人的大脑──绞尽脑汁地研发新的疫苗和药物，以预防病毒持续袭击。比起远古时代动辄造成数以万计人牺牲的瘟疫，如今瘟疫在各国政府齐心协力的防抗下，不再如此恐怖。

瘟疫的历史还是会无休止地延伸，而人类抗疫的事迹也会填满史册，而我们所期望的是，人性光辉的页数比丑恶的页数更多！

李光耀访马意在探路？

2009-06-15T16:01:00.005+08:00

李光耀访马意在探路？
黄吉兴/东方日报

2007年，新加坡资政李光耀发表以下言论： “马来西亚是一个拥有丰富天然资源的国家。假如人民获公平享用其资源，无论是华人、印度人和其它种族被给予均等的教育机会，这个国家可能超越新加坡今日取得的成就。当这一天到来时，马新两国将会再度合并。”

他进一步阐明，马新关系一直处于紧绷状态，而且争议不绝，并非肇因于国际领土之间的纷争，而是彼此对种族、宗教与文化之观点的差异太大。新加坡于1965年独立后，李氏在1996首次提出该国重新加入大马的建议，但遭到当时的我国首相马哈迪拒绝，理由是时机未成熟。

至于他第二度提出马新合并的见解，则受到国阵强烈批评，尤其巫统领袖更是趁机发难、炮轰对方。巫统其前宣传主任莫哈末泰益以我国拥有多源流教育系统、媒体自由、人民可批评政府、没有禁开养猪场，以及人民随时可以咀嚼口香糖为据，暗讽新加坡不如我国。他坚信大马政府拥有更好的施政，新加坡无需加入马来西亚。

李光耀是一名深谋远虑的领袖，显然知道大多数新加坡人对于重新加入我国的建议，根本不会感到热衷。那他又为何屡屡重提此事呢？李氏常被视为一名言谈直率的亚洲领袖，他的每一项言论都蕴含某些讯息或潜台词。因此，其上述建议只不过是要提醒新加坡人切勿自傲自满。若要攀上更高峰，就必须继续自强不息，否则有一天将被迫沦落到重新加入相对落后的大马。因此，其实保持现状才是双赢之策。

虽然年届86，李光耀是少数依然活跃于政治舞台，继续为国家和区域发展作出贡献的年迈领袖。尽管他早于1990年退位，但庞大身影还是笼罩着新加坡，影响该国许多重大决策。李氏也不时出国访问，凭籍丰富的外交经验，与本区域各国，如日本、中国、台湾和印度尼西亚缔造良好经贸关系，保持新加坡的竞争力。

然而，有一点可能令大家感到疑惑的是，到底是什么原因让李光耀事隔20年后，才重临我国并造访五州？李光耀深谙我国政治局势与发展。他和马哈迪之间的恩怨情仇、针锋相对，最教人津津乐道。在担任资政的18年内，李光耀多次周游列国，但在马哈迪和阿都拉执政期间，未曾踏足我国。如今，纳吉甫当上首相不足3个月，李氏就率领年轻部长们访马，其动机何在，自然引起大家的兴趣和关注。

李光耀一行人此趟将访问5个州属，即槟城、霹雳、雪兰莪、吉兰丹和彭亨。值得一提，其中三州是民联执政的州属。众所周知，槟城、雪兰莪、吉兰丹和国阵策动政变，从民连手中夺走的霹雳，都是举足轻重的州属。纵然缺少中央政府的支持和祝福，民联政府依然可以自力更生、独当一面，在处理外贸投资和国际联系方面，皆展现了本身的实力、潜力和能力。

2008年大选后，大马呈现了全新的政治景观，对新加坡而言，我国不再像过去般那样熟悉。作为唇齿相依的邻国，她必然需要深入其境了解实况和演变，当下政局究竟与马哈迪和阿都拉时代有何不一样。惟有如此，新加坡才能因应时局变迁而调整各个方面的政经战略。

倘若民联于下次大选胜出执政，两国关系必然掀开新页。这大概给了李光耀一些启发，毕竟民联执政的日子正在倒数中，而全民正在热切期盼和准备迎接这一天的降临。

对此，李光耀应该洞若观火，此行或许可解读为他为新加坡探路／铺路之旅！

Validation

2009-06-08T00:25:00.001+08:00

Wonderful short film to share. Speak with joy and they world will love us.

培养正确理财观念，拒绝大耳窿

2009-06-07T18:24:00.001+08:00

培养正确理财观念，拒绝大耳窿
黄吉兴

高利贷或俗称 “大耳窿”几乎是我们每一天都会提到、见到或想到的字眼，不管我们有没有向他们借钱。大耳窿的宣传攻势是铺天盖地而来的──走在外头，从电灯柱、巴士车站、电箱、电话亭、树身到店铺闸门，举目可见大耳窿的_迹；回到家里，一迭迭的大耳窿名片、传单塞在信箱里。

此外，打开报纸，有关大耳窿恐吓、虐待、殴打或滥用私刑对付欠债人和其家人，抑或因经不起大耳窿追债行为过激如泼红漆、放火等压力，而走上绝路，甚至毒杀孩子的新闻，不时充斥报章版面；打开电视，播映的连续剧和电影也常常出现大耳窿追债的情节，这一切足以显见大耳窿无孔不入，渗透了我们的生活。

最近，警方因为“K9大耳窿”集团成员非法禁锢和虐打欠债人，以高姿态逮捕和追缉涉案者，引起社会关注。不过，这类高调的逮捕行动最终可能只是 “雷声大、雨点小”，并非无法真正对症下药，毕竟大耳窿早已横行已久，形成错节盘根的庞大犯罪集团，绝非零零星星的逮捕行动所能完全铲除。一些州属的地方政局和警方也曾携手展开拆下大耳窿街招与横幅的行动，但是今天一拆，明天又重新贴上，可说是 “道高一尺，魔高一丈”。

其实，大耳窿集团之所以达致今日的规模，是有数个因素所造成的：

（一）当初具有管制信贷公司权限的地方与房屋部，滥发借贷执照予背景有问题的公司，以致这些公司借着合法名义干下放高利贷的不法勾当。在房屋部执法不严的纵容之下，这些公司当然可以横行无阻，而且生意越做越大，演变至今日失控的局面。从房屋部长江作汉所公布的数据，3000家合法信贷公司当中，只有296间，也就是不到10%的公司，于去年受到房屋部的调查，这就是政府管制信贷公司不力的最好的佐证。

（二）警方固然可以辩称管制大耳窿非其权限，但是在处理大耳窿涉及非刑事恐吓等罪案的调查过程中，又有多少名涉案者被逮捕，然后控上法庭呢？这些年来，警方在严打大耳暴力行为上，始终还未发挥杀一儆百的作用。假如这些为非作歹的恶徒们屡屡被逮捕和提控，大耳窿集团的营运还能够如此顺畅吗？还会如雨后春笋般不断地发展和壮大吗？假如大耳窿无法如意地扩大生意版图，不能随心所欲地在大街小巷 “打广告”，那么借贷人还可以那么轻易地受到诱惑而上钓吗？

（三）借贷是一门生意，依赖市场供需原则才能运作。如果没有人借贷，大
耳窿哪能生存？这也就解释了非法借贷活动猖獗的根源。向大耳窿借钱等通常是好赌的人士，所以制造了非法借贷的商机。当然，也有一些因资金周转不灵而被迫借高利贷的商人。

对笔者而言，杜绝大耳窿活动的唯一方法就是拒绝向大耳窿借钱，警方或地方政府只是从旁协助减少这项非法活动。笔者认为，从小培养正确的理财观念，良好地规划财务，确保收入与支出保持平衡，可以有效地避免陷入财务困境，从而不会走往向大耳窿求助的地步。

所谓的理财包括储蓄（如开定期存款户口），学习投资（而非投机），精明消费（避免不必要的浪费和挥霍）、学习如何向银行借贷、学习如何申请政府辅助金和低息贷款等。正确理财观念能够让我们面对财务危机时化险为夷，因为理财强调未雨绸缪。父母亲、校方、政府及私人界，应自孩子年幼的时，就通过教诲和课程教导他们如何理财，长大后能够实现财务自主。

届时，即使下起了大雨，他们不必因为避免成为落汤鸡，而铤而走险地向大耳窿借雨伞，最终却是掉进深潭里，变成了遭对方棒打的落水狗

BN's suicide attempt in Perak

2009-05-12T10:08:00.002+08:00

By John Lee

MAY 11 — Barisan Nasional has committed political suicide.

No political strategy can save it now; only a miracle can.

Regardless of what Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s consultants can come up with, nothing can paper over the empirical reality of how Barisan has casually run roughshod over everything important which we Malaysians value.

Whenever Malaysians talk about what we are most grateful for, being able to live in peace and harmony with one another tops the list.

Regardless of what we may disagree on, we appreciate the fact that we can resolve our differences through words instead of fists, and institutions instead of mob rule. We expect our government to facilitate these discussions and these institutions — not to stymie and crush them.

The reason Barisan suffered such heavy losses on March 8 is that it has betrayed this trust we put in our government.

What we love about Malaysia is that in spite of our differences, be they ethnic, religious or political, we have found ways to get along and live together.

We aren’t on the best of terms, but what matters is that we are progressing, not falling back.

And over the past decade or two, we have only seen continued regression at the hands of our Barisan government.

Malaysians look at scenes from wartorn countries in the Middle East and Africa and give thanks that we are not a tinpot democracy or beset by racial rioting.

But under Barisan’s leadership, we have seen the police arrest elected representatives and ordinary citizens for simply daring to disagree with the government.

We have seen the courts turned into slaves at the rule of convenience, instead of the rule of law. We have seen tens of thousands of average Malaysians, like you and me, tear gassed by the police we expect to defend us.

We have seen a government led by men more interested in fanning racial and religious tensions than interested in pursuing reasonable dialogue between different communities. Why should we vote for a government that cannot deliver the harmony and harmonious institutions we demand?

This past week was one of the worst imaginable for Malaysian democracy and the Malaysian nation.

The government locked up an academic for giving out fashion tips.

They arrested dozens of Malaysians for drinking teh tarik in the vicinity of the Perak state assembly. They arrested many more just for expressing their opinions. And perhaps most unforgivably, they violently intruded on the proceedings of the Perak state assembly, giving the lie to their claims of standing up for the defence of democracy and harmony.

Yes, Pakatan Rakyat was obstructing the now Barisan-controlled state assembly from going about its business.

I can accept that argument — I don’t think the case for Pakatan is as open-shut as some seem to believe it is.

But the whole fact of the matter is, the Sultan broke with centuries of parliamentary tradition in refusing to return the question of control of the state assembly back to the rakyat.

And more importantly, all the institutions we count on to give us justice, from the courts to the civil service to the police, violently intruded on the sanctity of the elected legislative assembly, and blatantly interfered in favour of and partiality to one side.

In the 17th century, England was ruled by King Charles I — a firm believer in the principle that might makes right, and that the executive reigns supreme. Parliament increasingly refused to go along with his oppressive taxes and repressive policies.

Infuriated, Charles led a band of armed men to Parliament to arrest his opponents, violently entering the House of Commons.

Finding that the MPs had fled, the King displaced Speaker William Lenthall from his chair, and demanded to know where they had gone.

Lenthall’s words, much like former Perak MB Nizar Jamaluddin’s “Patik mohon derhaka,” have gone down in history as a brave defence of the right of elected legislatures to deliberate in peace, without heed for the executive’s wishes: “May it please your Majesty, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am here.”

The pictures of plainclothes policemen violently dragging Speaker A. Sivakumar from his chair out of the assembly will go down in our history, as surely as the image of Charles’s forced entrance into Parliament has gone down in British history.

Even if Barisan is technically and legally in the right, which it well may be, it has lost any right to claim that it stands for democracy and the preservation of harmony in our country. Barisan has perverted every institution and every value we hold dear so it can hold on to power.

When the executive oversteps its bounds, people remember. 17th century England was much less democratic than we are today, but not since that day in 1642 has any British monarch dared to cross the threshold into the House of Commons.

Till this day, the pomp and ceremony of the British Parliament focus on asserting the right of MPs to deliberate and discuss independently of the executive. The people of England knew what Charles had done, and they knew it was wrong.

The people of Malaysia know what Barisan has done, and we know it is wrong. No public relations campaign can change this. Releasing a handful of activists and political criminals to atone for violently murdering democracy is like trying to rebuild a house by giving its ruins a fresh coat of pain.

Yes, the bloody thing looks nicer, but nobody is going to live in it.

Yes, we’re glad we have men like P. Uthayakumar and Wong Chin Huat back—but like any individual, they pale in importance to the principles they stand for. We want our democracy and our harmony back.

And democracy and harmony are something Barisan clearly cannot give us.

New Gate Way to Penang

2009-02-11T18:35:00.006+08:00

MPPP, The Penang Municipal Council is to launch the new Penang Gate Way Project near Penang Air Port in the next few months. The intention is to create a visual Gateway to Penang - Pearl of the Orient.

Visitors will experience the huge sculpture and juxtaposition of the Pearls in all corners of the around about. Once this project is completed, our visitors to Penang will enter our lovely island with a whole new experience.

This project is the collabration of MPPP and SP Setia Berhad under the Municipal Council's Adoptation Program.

From the design point of view, I think what is lacking here is the word "Excitment". The designer has included many elements which are metaphors to Penang's landscape and history. However, since the drivers or passangers have only 5 seconds or less to view this gateway when traveling in 40km/hr. The traditional way of design approach to erect a monument or marker at this juncture may not neccessary able to create the visual impact or excitment to the motorists.

I'm a big fan of 'Excitment Architecture' My favourite Gateway Project will always be the The Gateway by DCM at Melbourne International Airport. Gigantic and undulated yellow sound barier wall spanning along 1KM driveway, huge cantilever red beams planted 30 degree by the both sides of the freeway. The Motorists able to enjoy three types of visual excitments depends on which freeway we choice to get to the airport.

Masterpiece Too Hot to Handle

2009-02-11T00:06:00.005+08:00

Beijing's CCTV headquarters, the world renown architect, Rem Koolhaas's masterpiece in Beijing was caught on fire on the last day of New Years celebrations.

The fire broke out on Monday evening, and one firefighter was killed tackling the blaze and seven other people were injured.

CCTV has been responsible for the fire, as CCTV hired staff from a fireworks company to ignite several hundred large festive firecrackers in an open space outside one of its nearly-completed buildings.

The China Central Television headquarters is a 6.45 million square foot complex that involves twin leaning towers connected by two massive sections in midair. It's an amazing feat of engineering. Rem Koolhaas and Ole Scheeren of The Office for Metropolitan Architecture won the contract for Central Chinese Television Headquarters in December 2002

The destroyed building housed the Mandarin Oriental hotel in eastern Beijing, which was supposed to open in 2009. It was also designed to include a theater, recording studios and cinemas, while CCTV's main production and broadcasting units were to occupy the main building next door.

The Day - The Democracy Died

2009-02-07T00:44:00.003+08:00

Sultan of Perak disallowed the dissolution of the state assembly in Perak and dismissed the Menteri Besar without through a vote of no confidence on 5th Feb 2009 marked the black day of Malaysia, a democratic nation.

The Sultan casually ignored the democracy, morality and stability of the state government by allowing the installation of the BN government in Perak.

While His Majesty and the corrupted BN government rejoicing "The Malaysian Pie" in His Royal Palace, the rakyat shed tears and sing " This Is The Day The Democracy Died".

There will be a reckoning, BN

2009-02-06T01:06:00.005+08:00

Feb 5 — Amidst the chaos dominating Malaysian politics once again, it is worth remembering one simple constant: ultimately, the people will triumph.

It does not matter how hard you try to keep them down; no government can ever survive without the support of the people it claims to represent. Barisan Nasional has as much right to woo Pakatan Rakyat representatives as Pakatan has to woo Barisan reps.

But both parties should be mature and wise enough to face the people and justify their actions—and if there’s anything the crisis in Perak demonstrates, it is that Barisan lacks this wisdom and maturity.

Their failure to understand or address the reasons why Malaysians have rejected Barisan’s leadership will only undermine them even more.

Yes, we can very well tell Pakatan “padan muka” (serves you right) for having a taste of its own medicine.

But that would be glossing over a very important difference between the change of power in Perak, and Pakatan’s attempts to gain power at the federal level.

While we can argue about the sincerity and feasibility of Pakatan’s earlier plans, there is little room to debate the opacity of Barisan’s seizing power in Perak.

When Pakatan sought to form a new government, it made its intentions clear; Barisan’s moves in Perak were made behind closed doors. Pakatan ran its plans past the public, and while we can argue that this does not legitimise crossovers, nobody can argue that Pakatan did not trust the public enough to make its plans clear.

Barisan’s secrecy — which was largely useless because the newly independent state reps were already under suspicion in the first place —only serves to undermine public confidence in its intentions, and public trust in its ethics.

With all eyes on Pakatan, it would have been hard for corruption or bribery to take place; in the case of Perak, and potentially Kedah, Barisan’s secrecy can only arouse suspicions of seat-buying.

If Barisan was conducting itself in an appropriate manner, why did it keep us in the dark as to its potential takeover of the government? While Barisan must remain innocent until proven guilty, the fact is that they had and have the means, motive and opportunity to buy seats.

None of the party-hopping state reps have explained their change of heart. When Sapp chose to leave Barisan last year, it explained to its members and the public why it could no longer affiliate with the ruling party.

All the former Barisan leaders who have joined Pakatan are likewise open about why they chose to leave the Barisan fold. If the new independent state reps are really sincere, why cannot they explain to the people they serve their reason for toppling the popularly-elected state government?

The burden of proof rests with Barisan to justify its actions now. Pakatan may have talked a lot about seizing power, but it justified itself openly with the press.

Barisan remains tight-lipped, only making statements to exuberantly celebrate its return to power in Perak. And if you are going to seize power without going directly to the people for a mandate, you had better have a bloody good explanation for them.

Ultimately, though, it does not matter what Barisan says, or whether fresh elections are called: Barisan’s days as a relevant political entity are numbered.

Will holding power in Perak truly revive Barisan’s political fortunes?

Not when Barisan has just toppled one of the most effective and popular state governments. Not when the new Barisan government is dominated by representatives from one ethnic group and one political party.

Not when the only agenda of the new Barisan government is to keep quiet about how it gained power or what it plans to do with that power. All this does not change the fact that Barisan remains a simple marriage of convenience — one that increasingly rings hollow to Malaysians who hunger for a government united more on principles and ideals than the thirst for power.

Barisan can’t run from the ballot box — and at the ballot box, its fate will be sealed.

It doesn’t matter whether fresh elections are called tomorrow, or in four years. Barisan has lost every single election it has contested since March 8.

Barisan has been resoundingly rejected in every independent opinion survey since March 8.

The man who will soon be leading it, that smug Najib Tun Razak, has a lower approval rating than the supposedly useless man he is replacing, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

For goodness sake, the Leader of the Opposition, Anwar Ibrahim, has higher approval ratings than Najib. And this is not just the public being singularly irrational at one moment in time; public sentiment has turned overwhelmingly against Barisan and the men who lead it.

Barisan still seems to think that as long as it can hold on to power, by hook or by crook, it will be okay.

It has no intention of justifying itself to the people it claims to serve.

It has no plan to address the corruption that dominates our politics and policymaking at every level.

It has no intention of truly addressing the economic stagnation of the Malays and Indians, or the political injustices meted out to the non-Malays of this country.

It has no principles guiding it, no basis for its governance besides the nebulous pursuit of power — because somehow, only Barisan is supposed to be able to govern this country.

Barisan can continue deluding itself like that for as long as it wants.

It has a lot of money; it will be fine for now.

But when the people of Perak, when the people of Malaysia next go to the polls, Barisan will have only itself to blame for the whipping it will get.

So go ahead, Barisan. Don’t address any of the problems we the people have with you.

Pretend it will be fine. You got even with Pakatan in Perak, and maybe you’ll settle the score further with it in the other Pakatan-led states.

Yes, padan muka Pakatan.

Well, don’t worry Barisan: I and the other millions of voters in our lovely country look forward to getting even with you at the next election. Padan muka Barisan — padan muka!

By John Lee

Re RIfle Range Flats

2009-02-02T03:28:00.005+08:00

This was a Gotong Royong Projects that I'd organised on 18 Jan 2009 a week before the Chinese New Year 2009.

The response for the Gotong Royong was over whelming and there were 200 volunteers took part in this massive cleaning up Padang Tembak Housing Program which was initianted by YB Jason Ong, the Penang State Assemblyman for Kebun Bunga.

We divided the group into two teams, the first cleaning up the housing outdoor areas and the second team re-painting the lobby area and the ground and first floor of block C, E and H.

We managed to give this place a new face lift in just 3 hours. At the end of the day, the residents were so thankful of our efforts and delighted with the new look of the flats. All are now ready to celebrate the happiest CNY 2009.

DO IT, THEN FIX IT, AS YOU GO

2008-11-15T01:03:00.003+08:00

"Too many people spend too much time to perfect something before they actually do it.

Instead of waiting for perfection run with what you have got, and fix it as you go."

This is the way how Barrack Obama has run his presidential campaign and eventually made the history by becoming the first Black American President.

Lee Iacocca wrote the following comments about Obama a year before the election.

"Barrack Obama is one of those stars who seem to come from nowhere to capture the imagination of the nation. What's not to like about this guy? He has CHARISMA and CONVICTION, and probably he has strong COMMUNICATION skills. In my opinion, his race isn't an issue. We are ready to elect a black man as we are to elect a woman. But is Obama is the one? Is he COMPETENT to be President?He lacks experience in national government, and the media needs to push him on how he would lead- especially in foreign affairs. However lack of experience isn't always an insurmountable barrier. Look at the mess George Bush's experience team of Cheney and Rumsfeld made of things. But Obama is going to have to get very specific about what he would do and who would be on this team, in order for us to have enough confidence in him"

Despite the doubts on his competency and experience. Barrack Obama has certainly shown us the courage to do it, then fix it, as you go- is his key to open up a new chapter in America and the world's history.

Barrack Obama's Winning Speech "Tonight is the Anwser"

2008-11-15T00:20:00.002+08:00

奥巴马当选演讲全文

2008-11-15T00:07:00.004+08:00

這篇演講是那麼激動人心，與大家共享。

奥巴马当选演讲全文

2008-11-05 19:32:00　来源: 国际在线(北京)　网友评论 1823 条点击查看

　　新当选美国总统奥巴马11月4日晚在家乡芝加哥发表胜选感言。他说，"我曾经是最不可能赢得白宫的候选人。在刚开始的时候，我们没有多少钱，也没有多少支持者，我们的竞选不是从华盛顿的大厅开始的，而是开始于艾奥瓦州得梅因的后院、康科德的客厅、查尔斯顿的前厅。是辛勤劳作的男人、女人捐给了我们他们微薄的积蓄，5块钱、10块钱、20块钱。我们从年轻人那里得到了力量，他们拒绝服从同龄人冷漠的神话。为了工作，他们离开了自己的家乡，并与亲人分别，可是他们拿很少的报酬，甚至连睡觉的时间也少的可怜。 "

……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

芝加哥的公民们，大家好！

如果现在仍然有人怀疑在美国是不是真的任何事情都可能发生，怀疑我们开国之父们的梦想是否还留存在这片土地上，怀疑美国民主的力量，今夜，就是你的答案。

在这个国家的学校和教堂中人们曾焦急地等待着答案，一些人甚至从未像今天一样——等待了3～4个小时，但是他们知道这一时刻非同一般，他们的声音也同样非同一般。

在美国的土地上，无论是年轻人还是老人；穷人还是富人；无论是共和党人还是民主党人；无论是黑人、白人、西班牙裔、亚裔、美国原住民、同性恋、异性恋、残疾人还是非残疾人都发出同一种信息，我并非孤身一人。

我们是，而且永远都是美利坚合众国！

这一天我们等得太久了，但是今晚，因为我们在这场竞选中、在这个地点、在此时此刻所做的一切，改变已经降临美国。

在今天晚上，我很荣幸地接到了麦凯恩参议员打来的电话。麦凯恩参议员在这场竞选中进行了长久、艰难的努力。而且，为这个他热爱的国家，他奋斗了更久、付出了更多的努力。他为美国做出了超乎我们大多数人想象的牺牲，因为这个无畏无私的领导人所付出的努力，我们才有了更好的生活。我对他表示祝贺，也对佩林州长所取得的成果表示祝贺。同时，我也期待着能在接下来的几个月内，和他们共同努力履行对这个国家的诺言。

我想感谢我在这个旅程中的搭档，一个全心全意参加竞选的男人，一个为同他一起在斯克蓝顿(宾夕法尼亚东北部城市)街道长大、一起坐火车到特拉华州的人们发言的男人，美国未来的副总统，乔·拜登。

在过去的16年里如果没有朋友们的支持和鼓励，那么我今晚将不会站在这里……我的家庭的支持、关爱，美国的下一位第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马，还有萨沙和玛丽雅，我对你们的爱甚至超出你们的想象，你们将得到新的小狗，和你们一起到新的白宫。

我却再也不能陪伴我的外祖母了，但我知道她一直在守望着我们。我也十分想念我的家人和亲戚，我知道自己亏欠他们太多，太多。我要感谢马娅，阿尔玛，以及我所有的兄弟姐妹，感谢你们对我无私的支持，对此我深表感激。还有，感谢我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫。还有那些在竞选活动中的无名英雄们，他们表现的很棒，是他们给美国带来了一场最完美的大选，我想，这在美国历史上是绝无仅有的。还有我的首席战略师大卫·阿克塞尔罗德。他是我的伙伴，在我竞选的每个阶段都给我极大的帮助，为我打造了美国大选史上最棒的竞选团队。是你让这一切发生了，我将永远对你为这一切做出的牺牲心存感激。但是最重要的，我将永远无法忘记这场胜利真正的主人，这属于你们，这属于你们。

我曾经是最不可能赢得白宫的候选人。在刚开始的时候，我们没有多少钱，也没有多少支持者，我们的竞选不是从华盛顿的大厅开始的，而是开始于艾奥瓦州得梅因的后院、康科德的客厅、查尔斯顿的前厅。是辛勤劳作的男人、女人捐给了我们他们微薄的积蓄，5块钱、10块钱、20块钱。我们从年轻人那里得到了力量，他们拒绝服从同龄人冷漠的神话。为了工作，他们离开了自己的家乡，并与亲人分别，可是他们拿很少的报酬，甚至连睡觉的时间也少的可怜。

那些并不年轻的志愿者却拥有一颗火热的心，为了大选他们在寒风中敲开善良的陌生人家的门，这就是为什么两个世纪以来，我们人类，我们的政府没有从地球上消亡的原因。

我想说，这同样也是你们的胜利！我知道，你们不仅仅是为了赢得一个大选，也不仅仅是为了我。

你们这样做，是因为知道我们面前任务的艰难。即使我们今晚在这里欢庆，我们仍然知道明天将会带来我们平生最大的挑战——两场战争，一个处于危险边缘的星球、一个世纪来最严重的金融危机。

在孩子们熟睡后依然醒着的父亲母亲在担心，他们怎样才能还清医生的账单，攒够足够的钱供孩子的大学教育。

新的能源要去开发，新的工作岗位要去创造，新的学校要去建造，新的威胁要去面对，新的盟友关系要去修复。

前面的路会很长。我们的攀岩会很陡峭。我们甚至不会在一年、一个任期内达到这个目标。但是，美国，我从未比今夜更加相信，我们会达到这个目标。

我承诺，作为一个人，我们会达到这个目标。

以后我们还会面对挫折和谎言，我成为总统以后，也许有人无法认同我的每一项政策和方针。并且我们也知道政府并非能解决一切问题。但是我会忠诚地和你们并肩奋斗，共同面对挑战。我依然会倾听你们的声音，尤其是我们之间存在分歧的时候。最重要的是，我会真诚地邀请你参与国家的重建，就像美国建国221年以来的历史那样——靠我们的双手把国家建设地更为强大。

我们从21个月以前的冬天开始了奋斗的征程，但是我们的努力不会在这个秋天的夜晚结束。这次胜利并不会改变我们的探索之路，这对于我们来说是一个难得的机遇，我们决不能后退。我们不会退缩，因为我们拥有旺盛的精力和无畏牺牲的精神。

让我们重振爱国主义精神，承担起自己的责任，我们将努力奋斗，互帮互助。

让我们牢记金融危机给美国带来的伤痛，我们再也不会让华尔街繁荣的同时，让别的街受罪。

在这个国家里，我们与祖国的命运紧密相连。让我们自觉抵制党派争端和过于污秽的政治斗争。

让我们牢记在这条街道上高举共和党旗帜入主白宫的那个人(林肯)，是他宣扬了独立和自主的精神，完成了国家的统一。

这些价值观应该得到继承和发扬，今晚民主党取得了胜利，我们必须保持谦虚的心态，并下定决心完成后面的征程。就像很久以前，林肯对一个比现在分裂得更严重的民族所说的那样，我们不是敌人，是朋友。虽然热情已经被冲淡，我们的友爱纽带没有破裂。

同时，对于我没有赢得支持的民众，我或许没有得到你们的投票，但是我听到了你们的声音。我需要你们的帮助。我也会是你们的总统。

对于那些在另外一个海岸，从国会到王宫、到在被世界遗忘的角落摆弄收音机、关注美国今夜的人们，我们的故事并非只有一个，但是目标是共同的，美国领导力的新的黎明已经到来。

美国应该变化，我们的社会应该更完美。我们已经取得的成果给了我们明天取得更大成果的希望。

这次大选有很多首创和许多故事，这些故事将代代相传。但今天晚上我脑子里能想起来的就是一个女人，她刚刚在亚特兰大城投了票。她跟成千上万在这次大选中排队发出自己声音的人一样，唯有一点例外：安·尼克松·库珀已经106岁高龄了。她出生在奴隶制刚刚废除后的那一代，那时路上没有汽车，天上没有飞机。像她那样的人仍不能投票，这因为两个方面的原因：一是她是女性；二是因为她的肤色。

可今晚，我想她看透了一个世纪的美国——头疼与希望；挣扎与发展。有人告诉我们，美国不行了，可美国人的自信却回答：不，我们行！她曾经生活在女性发不出声音、希望破灭的时代，可她却活着看到女性们站起来，发出自己的声音，并且投下自己的票。是的，我们行！

当饥饿来到，衰退发生时，她看到了这个国家是如何以新政，新工作，和全新的共同目标来战胜恐惧的。当炸弹落到我们的港口，独裁者威胁世界的时候，她亲眼见证了一代人的崛起和民主得以挽救。是的，我们行！她去蒙哥马利搭乘公共汽车，她去伯明翰面对水龙头，她去塞尔玛占桥……她听来自亚特兰大的牧师告诉大家："我们能打破种族障碍"，没错，我们行！

今年，在这次大选中，她投下了自己的一票。因为在美国生活了106个年头，经历了最好的时光与最难的岁月，所以她知道美国一定能改变。是的，我们行！

美国已经经历了太多，我们看够了太多，但我们还得做更多的事。今晚，让我们问自己：如果我们的孩子们要活着看到新世纪，如果我们的女儿们能像安·尼克松这样活到106岁，我们应该有哪些进步？我们应该回答这个问题，这是我们的时代。

现在是我们一起开始工作，为我们的孩子打开机遇之门，恢复我们的繁荣，促进和平，重回美国梦，恢复基本信任，以及其它许多事的时候了。我们应该团结如一人。我们应该坚定地回应那些说我们不行的人，我们将以无穷的力量来回应他们，然后说：是的，我们行！

感谢大家，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚！

Barack Obama's Acceptance Speech

2008-11-15T00:05:00.001+08:00

Martin Luther King Jr. Historical Speech " I Have A Dream"

2008-11-08T16:17:00.001+08:00

When Will Be The Take Over?

2008-10-27T18:06:00.007+08:00

September 16 has come and gone, with no change in government. While I will leave an analysis of the implications of this for another time, the mechanism by which Pakatan Rakyat would take power is worth examining.

After all, September 16 falls smack in the middle of Parliament’s recess, which will last for about two weeks more; how can the government fall when Parliament cannot meet to pass a vote of no-confidence? Most speculation here suggests that Pakatan leaders would meet with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong submitting the names of MPs supporting the new government. But I think a very plausible, if not likely scenario is the Prime Minister simply tendering his resignation.

After all, most analyses assume a hostile takeover. But the last thing Pakatan wants is instability and resistance from the politicised institutions of our country. To form a new government, Pakatan would want more than just the support of a slim majority of MPs; it would require some sort of acquiescence from at least a few of the elite in the current government.

If the present government does not acquiesce, if it fights tooth and nail to hold on to power, it will jail MPs indiscriminately, do anything it can to prevent a vote of no-confidence in Parliament; it will commence a scorched-earth campaign to ensure Pakatan can get nothing of value when it takes power, while salting away its own ill-gotten gains in offshore bank accounts.

So ultimately at the very least we must have a Prime Minister willing to let go of power, and willing to step down. And if we are willing to accept that Abdullah Badawi will let himself be voted out of power, why not go one step further? I think there are grounds to believe that he may simply resign before things get to that stage.

If Anwar Ibrahim, the Leader of the Opposition, can broker a deal with Abdullah to ensure a smooth and orderly transition of power, both men will benefit immensely. Thus far it seems clear that history will not judge Abdullah very well; at best, his attempts to reform the government were stillborn and half-hearted. But if Abdullah becomes the first Prime Minister to make way for a real change in government, if he places institutions above politics and personal gain, his reputation will be significantly rehabilitated.

You may say that this is not much, but look at it another way: he is definitely going out as Prime Minister, with no concrete accomplishments to his name. It is unlikely that he will last until 2010, with so many within his own party baying for blood. Whoever succeeds him as Prime Minister is unlikely to lavish him with praise or mark his administration with pride; Abdullah’s term as premier will at best be seen as a benchwarmer for his successor, and at worst, be seen as setting Malaysia down a dangerous and poorly-planned path. Considering the relative vehemence of calls for him to step down, it is probable that his leadership would be vilified by the government-authored history books; Abdullah would be lucky if his term was just ignored and forgotten.

On the other hand, if Anwar takes power, Anwar does not have much to gain from going after Abdullah. He will be too busy fixing broken institutions and dealing with the day-to-day problems of governance to make Abdullah-hating a priority; it would be especially unseemly for him to denounce the man who so generously made way for him to accede to the premiership. Accusations of corruption and impropriety on Abdullah’s part aside, the fact is, Abdullah is hardly criminally responsible for our nation’s problems today; even if the new Pakatan government tried to hunt him down, it would not solve any fundamental problem.

If anything, Pakatan will probably see to it that Abdullah goes down in the history books as a visionary Prime Minister who presided over the rebirth of democracy in Malaysia, and whose attempts to reform our institutions were blocked by shortsighted bigots in his own political party.

You may think this kind of historical rewriting is unlikely or unseemly, but it has already happened: the case of Dato Onn Ja’afar comes to mind. Dato Onn today is seen by everyone — including the government historians — as a man ahead of his time in trying to found a multiracial party. What we don’t remember is his bitter return to racism after his own party failed; some historians actually blame his rhetoric for spurring UMNO to outdo him in fighting for ketuanan Melayu.

The raw material for Abdullah’s reimaging as a visionary ahead of his time, blocked by dunderheads in his own party, is already there: his attempts to reform our institutions, his redefinition of ketuanan Melayu into a positive ideology empowering the Malays to stand on their own two feet as equal partners with other Malaysians. Abdullah can easily go down in history as one of our best Prime Ministers, given the right spin. The only thing is, he has zero chance of this happening if an UMNO man succeeds him, while it is very likely he will eventually be hailed as a great patriot if he makes way for a Pakatan leader.

For Anwar, Abdullah stepping down solves a lot of key headaches. For one, there is no need to go through the vote of no-confidence; the Agong has complete discretion in appointing the Prime Minister if the post falls vacant (one of the very few real discretionary powers the Agong has). Anwar can meet with the Agong and submit a list of MPs who have agreed to support him, and once the Agong actually appoints him as PM, it is very unlikely that MPs would be falling over themselves to pass a vote of no-confidence against the Pakatan government.

The matter is smoothed over even more if Abdullah states that he has made way for Anwar, and that Pakatan has enough MPs on its side to make things work. With that statement, the Agong appointing Anwar would be a simple enough formality. There’s not even a need for Parliament to meet, and if the handover occurs this month, the Parliamentary recess gives Anwar breathing room to form a Cabinet and start governing, building momentum on his side and further forestalling any Barisan move to topple him. It’s a huge logistical win for Anwar if he can accomplish it.
Moreover, Anwar and Abdullah will have ammunition at the ready to face down their opponents from UMNO.

I quit because you wanted me to, Abdullah can say. It’s clear I didn’t have your confidence, as you can see from the defection of your colleagues and your own voracious calls for me to step down. And the King himself appointed me, Anwar will say. Do you really want to question the King’s decision? Spinning themselves out of this situation will be fairly straightforward, I believe, especially with public opinion on Pakatan’s side.

So is it any wonder that Pakatan’s agenda at the moment is to meet first with the Prime Minister, before seeking an audience with the Agong? I would not be surprised at all if a deal like this winds up being cut eventually. It benefits both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition; it benefits the country by bequeathing it some stability and smoothness in the transition; everyone comes out smelling like roses.

Ultimately it is not to Pakatan’s benefit to form a government speedily but haphazardly. A Pakatan legislator I met three weeks ago told me that they were then sorting out a smooth transition with institutions such as the Police and military. The excuse of stability they presently cite may seem weak but I believe it holds water.

History hinges on Abdullah’s decision: to quit or not to quit? His position is growing increasingly untenable. It’s a question of when, not if, he will step down as a lame-duck Prime Minister. But one successor offers the real potential of fixing the country and its government, and the temptation of going down in history as a great Prime Minister ahead of his time. The other successor offers more of the same under a different name, and the probable vilification of Abdullah’s name in the history books. I think Abdullah would be a fool not to make way for Anwar, if Anwar has any Barisan MPs at all on his side — and that I think he does.

by JohnLeemk@Dartmouth
(dated September 18, 2008)

泰柬印菲18岁可参政

2008-10-21T19:01:00.006+08:00

专访/摄影：程文慧

（韩视网独家报道）政坛新兵槟岛市议员黄吉兴说：“政府应该降低年轻人的参政年龄，向泰国、柬埔塞、印尼和菲律宾等国家看齐，这4个国家的合法参政年龄是18岁。”

大马公民需满21岁

也是人民公正党后起之秀的黄吉兴表示，大马公民届满21岁后，才有资格参政，来到40至45岁时还可竞选青年团团长职，似乎略嫌慢了一拍，导致许多年轻人对政治出现冷感，所以，政府应该开放参政的年龄，让中学生和大学生在校园里就有机会接触到政治，这样一来相信可以提升年轻人的政治意识。

308政治大风吹后，一石激起千层浪，槟州政府及地方政府文武百官大洗牌，黄吉兴也是其中一名被推荐为槟岛市议员的公正党年轻党员，目前是升旗山区宣传局主任兼植物园区州议员王康立的特别助理。

在大山脚卓坤安华老家遇见黄吉兴，当时他穿著黑色的马来人传统服饰，与王康立一起向安华握手问安。闲聊数句，发现这位年轻人确实有自己的一套政治思维，不跟风、没有哗众取宠，拥有新新人类的崭新思维。

大马政治生态老化

他表示：“在泰国，14岁至25岁的公民才叫做青年，至于菲律宾，14岁至30岁才是青年，从中可以看出大马政治生态远比其他国家老化或慢了一拍，导致时下很多年轻人都不热衷于参政，背后有两大牵绊，一是必须先念完大学，使到很多人对政治欠缺热诚和信心。”

“其次，一些资深领袖在位太久，很多年轻人若想出位，或必须经过漫长的等待，所以说，领袖在位太久也让年轻人没有机会施展才华和抱负。”

“一名20岁的年轻人和一名40岁的新中年，他们之间所要求的东西都不尽相同，如果年轻人对政治不感兴趣，意味着他们对生活已感到索味，可是在现实生活里政治却影响着各个层面。”

现年34岁的黄吉兴毕业于澳洲墨尔本大学建筑设计系，2007年加入人民公正党，属于政坛新兵。

他认为，资讯科技一日千里，新时代的年轻人有机会接触到来自各个不同管道的讯息，这跟他们祖父时代的情况完全不一样，因此，政府再也不能用之前的方式，尝试去控制每一个人，禁止大学生在校园内参政，约束媒体等，唯一的方法就是鼓励民众要有成熟的思想。

“在澳洲求学时，我曾经亲身体验过国家政权交替的经过，就以1996年澳洲劳工党倒台，自由党上台的经历，所以说，国家政权更迭的可能性是存在的，只不过是外国人的思想独立，对民众而言变天是好事一桩，须知唯一的定律就是改变之道理。”

他分析说，308全国大选后出现了一股现象，就是许多年轻人争相加入一些政党，这无关乎喜不喜欢，而是他们欲成为国家政权交替的一份子，问题在于这些人完全不晓得要做什么。

民联让年轻人看到希望

“1957年大马独立时，年轻人也一窝蜂的加入政党，所以，可说是与现在的感觉如出一辙，民联的出现让年轻人看到希望，他们期待明天会更好。”

“参政和参加政党是两码子的事情，参政是可以表明自己的立场，参政不代表就是政治人物，所以，年轻人应该表明自己立场，毕竟每一位年轻人对政治都有自己的理想和憧憬，只是须要时间和精力去实现理念。”

其实，他认为，何止是年轻人，生意人也应该表明本身的立场，毕竟政府所施行的政策也会影响到他们，在这方面，希望民联州政府勿秋后算帐。另外，画家、雕刻家、摄影师、音乐家和作家等，皆可以通过本身的作品对社会作出批判，表达对社会的不满。

岛市议员是一个平台

“不瞒你说，我从小就是领袖人物，目前是专业人士，在国内外拥有雄厚的网络，我相信可以学以致用，对槟州作出一些贡献。老实说，当你是小人物时，没有人要听你说话，槟岛市议员就是一个平台，让我有机会了解槟城人要的东西。”

身为一名市议员，他不苟同一些政治人物经常作出无谓的谩骂，把茅头指向别人，殊不知政府官员也是希望可以赶快把问题解决，对他们来说，他们也想知道为什么事情拖了这么久仍办不到，在这方面，新政府应该给予帮忙。

讲回自己在槟岛市政局的份内工作，吉兴说，他对市政局的期望高，对槟城来说是好事一桩，花多一点时间，才能够给槟城一些与众不同的东西，否则外国人为何要挑选槟城为旅游点，所以，这必须要有愿景和妥善的策划，以符合未来50年，甚至100年的需求。

语罢，吉兴随即翻了翻桌面上的城市规划报告书，边看边说：“如果这一本城市规划报告是建筑设计的论文，我一定批改不及格，为什么呢？因为毫无新意可言，我比较注重妇孺的利益，尤其是公共房屋计划及公园规划等问题。”

穷人聚集衍生社会问题

“就是公共房屋计划而言，政府在草拟中廉价屋时，其实是不应该把它列为给穷人居住的，穷人和穷人聚集在一起，或会衍生更多的社会问题，在兴建房屋过程期间亦会采纳较劣质的材料，让人下意识觉得穷人居住的地方相等于罪案之城，这不是一项完整的城市规划概念。”

“可是，若把低下阶层的民众放在高级住宅区内，恐怕也会衍生社会问题，所以，这一切都是必须从长计议的。”

How Low Can We Go?

2008-10-20T00:19:00.001+08:00

By David Wyss

From Standard & Poor's Equity Research

The economy will likely suffer a moderate, but long recession, and a sluggish recovery, according to S&P Economics. From the December 2007 peak to a trough in May 2009, this expected 17-month recession would be longer than the 50-year average of 10.7 months, and near the longest recessions of 1975 and 1982.

S&P is also projecting two additional scenarios: one better than the baseline, and one worse.

BASELINE: A MODERATE RECESSION

We're forecasting negative gross domestic product (GDP) growth for the fourth quarter of 2008 and the first half of 2009 for a total decline of 0.9%. While business tax credits should likely provide some boost to the fourth quarter, borrowing restrictions will mean that boost will be smaller than we originally thought.

Still, this should be a moderate recession. Unemployment will likely climb to 7.5% by summer 2009 from its March 2007 low of 4.4%. The S&P 500 dropped nearly 40% through October 10, near the historical average decline of 36% during a recession. As stock prices normally lead the economy by three to six months, they should bottom in the fourth quarter.

The Fed chopped the Fed Funds rate to 1.5% from 5.25% last September. We expect the central bank to remain on hold until the recession is over before raising rates in the fall of 2009. The 10-year Treasury yield dropped to 3.8% from a peak of 4.5% last summer. However, the cost of funds for businesses and individuals has risen due to the credit crunch.

The fiscal stimulus package will likely bring the fiscal 2008 federal deficit slightly above the 2004 record of $413 billion. We expect the record to easily be broken next year, with a deficit exceeding $700 billion, depending on how the Troubled Asset Relief Plan is treated.

THE DOWNSIDE: EVERYTHING IS BROKEN

In our worst-case scenario, oil rebounds to its summer peak of $150 a barrel. Average home prices drop 40% by early 2010 from their July 2006 peak, compared with a 30% drop in the baseline forecast. Financial markets remain frozen. Foreign investors flee a falling dollar and bond defaults. Bond yields have to rise to attract the funds needed to balance the trade deficit, despite a cut in the Fed Funds rate to 0.5%.

Weak home prices will hit the consumer hard. Wealth drops 14% from its peak compared with 10% in the baseline. Consumer spending drops more sharply in the third quarter as households try to rebuild the wealth lost to weaker home and stock prices.

Real GDP declines 3.5% from its second-quarter 2008 peak to its third-quarter 2009 trough, the largest drop since World War II. At 20 months, this downturn would be longer than the 1975 and 1982 recessions. Unemployment tops out at 9.1% in early 2010 in this scenario.

Capital spending suffers from the weak economy and borrowing difficulties. Business investment falls 11% in 2009. Companies cut back on staffing. Nonfarm employment drops by 3.3 million during 2008 and 2009.

The slumping economy, various rescue plans, and the higher costs of federal retirement and health care programs hit the budget deficit, which jumps to $824 billion in fiscal 2009.

The current account deficit, on the other hand, improves to $326 billion in 2009 from the record $788 billion in 2006, as weak domestic demand cuts imports, and exports find support from the weaker dollar. The narrower trade gap helps reduce the need for foreign capital. However, the yield on the 10-year Treasury rises to 6.5% in 2011.

THE UPSIDE: A BORDERLINE RECESSION

In our optimistic scenario, we see a modest slowdown in growth this year and a return to above-normal growth in 2009 and thereafter. While optimistic, it's not unreasonable, by our analysis. In fact, it's near what our expectations were at this time last year.

In this scenario, a recession is not yet certain. Lower oil prices and a more rapid calming of financial markets could still keep the economy in "borderline recession" range.

A revival of productivity increases keep inflation under control despite stronger economic growth.

Oil prices drop to $75 a barrel by late 2009. Bond yields fall in response to lower inflation and increased confidence in the U.S. economy, which attracts more foreign inflows. Unemployment still rises to 6.6% next year from its current 6.1% rate, as real GDP growth recovers to 2.5% after the first quarter.

More robust growth also helps control the budget deficit.

Business investment rebounds more quickly because of the renewed demand growth, although nonresidential construction still declines in 2009 and 2010.

Housing recovers more quickly thanks to lower mortgage rates and a stronger economy. Starts rise from 950,000 in 2008 to 1.60 million, near their trend level, in 2011.

Consumer spending rises 1.6% in 2009, with auto sales getting the biggest boost from the rebounding economy and lower gasoline prices.

IT COULD BE WORSE

The real worry, we believe, is that the U.S. economy could do even worse than our pessimistic scenario — and repeat Japan's "lost decade," when growth averaged 0.8% from 1992 through 2002.

We think the parallels are clear. In both nations, the banking system was constrained by heavy capital losses resulting from property loans.

There are, however, some important differences. In Japan, the Bank of Japan was concerned about inflation well into the 1990s, when deflation had become the problem. As a result, they were too slow to cut interest rates. Consumers sharply increased their savings rate. Americans, so far, aren't letting prudence get in the way of spending. The more open U.S. financial markets should permit a quicker resolution, in our opinion, but political gridlock could delay any fixes.

The U.S. reliance on foreign capital exposes markets to greater risk than Japan, which was a major capital exporter. Commodity markets were calm during the 1990s; that's not the case now. Out-of-control health care costs are imposing a fiscal risk on the United States that wasn't apparent in Japan in the early 1990s.

Our hope is that policymakers in the United States have learned from Japan's failures. But, in our view, Congress and the press seem determined to repeat many of the same mistakes. To misquote Santayana, "Those who believe people have learned from the past haven't.

The Large Serve of Sharkfin Soup

2008-02-09T09:33:00.000+08:00

Palace like restaurant in GZ. They serve large and yummy shark fin soup.